November 29, 1982
I learned once in a public speaking class that you never should open your remarks with an
apology, but since I am the one that changed your schedule -- and I won't look at Mayor Bradley
when I say this -- but you know California is the home of unusual weather. [Laughter] And that's
why we had to change the schedule. But I thank you very much for that welcome, and I thank
you, Ferd, [Ferd L. Harrison, mayor of Scotland Neck, N.C., and president of the National
League of Cities. Mayor Harrison introduced the President.] for your very warm and kind introduction.
The first time that I addressed the National League of Cities as President was in March of 1981.
And looking back, I think the most prophetic point I made was the need for a clear and direct line
of communication between us -- the need to maintain a direct relationship between the Federal
Government and America's cities.
Talking about communication -- communication is more than saying, ``Hello, how are you?'' I
have a story -- it's a true incident -- that involves a fellow Californian, Danny Villanueva, who
used to placekick for the Rams and then later became a sports announcer. And this was an
incident in his life that he relayed to me, and it does deal with communications. Now, I've told it a
great many times, this particular incident, but I haven't told it recently. And I hope I haven't told it
to you, because I'm going to tell it again. [Laughter]
And anyway, the story goes that Danny, as a sports announcer, was having dinner one night over
at the home of a young ballplayer with the Dodgers. He and the ballplayer were talking sports,
and the young wife was bustling about getting the dinner ready. And the baby started to cry, and
she, over her shoulder, said to her husband, ``Change the baby.'' And he being a young fellow and
kind of inexperienced along about that line as a father -- he was embarrassed in front of Danny --
and he said, ``What do you mean, change the baby?'' He says, ``That's not my line of work. I'm a
ballplayer.'' And she turned around, put her hands on her hips, and she communicated. [Laughter]
She said, ``Look Buster, you lay the diaper out like a diamond, you put second base on home
plate, put the baby's bottom on the pitcher's mound, hook up first and third, slide home
underneath. And if it starts to rain, the game ain't called; you start all over again.'' [Laughter]
Since those first days in office and my first speech to you, I've gotten to know you better, and I've
come to understand your problems more clearly. Hundreds of you have met with me individually,
as Ferd said, or in groups at the White House. We've held many working sessions about the
challenges we face, and together we've made significant improvements in this administration's
original federalism proposal.
As I said last September when I met with local officials, Governors, and State legislators in the
Cabinet Room, we will proceed shortly after the first of the year with our amended federalism
package. It will encompass three important principles. First, we will return responsibilities and
commensurate revenue resources to the levels of government closest to the people. Second, there
will be mandatory pass-through provisions to protect local units of government. And third, this
initiative will not be a vehicle for budget savings on either side.
Throughout the last 22 months, individually and together, you've had a tremendous impact on the
way this administration views the needs of American cities. Ferd Harrison and Bill Hudnut [Mayor of Indianapolis, Ind.] have worked closely with me on our federalism initiative and provided me with a
wide range of advice and counsel. Perhaps of greatest importance to you collectively, you have --
not me collectively, you collectively have driven home the absolute need for some programs and
some funds to pass directly from Washington to your city without taking a detour by your State
capital. Now, this kind of give-and-take, this kind of cooperation and communication will be
essential if we're to take the first and the next steps toward national renewal.
As Calvin Coolidge once said, ``Our country was conceived in the theory of local
self-government. It has been dedicated by long practice to that wise and benevolent policy. It is
the foundation of our system of liberty.'' Well, today that principle faces tremendous
challenge.
You represent the urban heart of our great country, our teeming centers of culture, innovation,
and progress. But you and your cities are also saddled with concentrations of our nation's most
troubling problems -- high unemployment, decaying neighborhoods, grim crime rates, idle
industries, eroding tax bases, and roads and bridges that threaten to crumble beneath us.
I've come before you with no magic wand. I'm fighting in Washington to reduce, not increase, the
big spending that keeps our Federal budget badly out of balance. Although Americans are
laboring under the highest peacetime tax burden in history, their money is spent before it even
comes in. In a very real sense our coffers are empty.
But I have come to promote an agenda for growth and to offer you a challenge. There was a time
in our history when our cities were gleaming testaments to the notion that nothing is beyond
America's power to accomplish. Our cities were once centers of hope and opportunity, and can be
again. I've come to urge that America's cities take up that challenge and link arms in a united
effort to lead America into a new period of growth and prosperity.
Some elitists in Washington have implied that local officials aren't up to the job. Thinking that you
lack their worldly sophistication, they doubt your competence and assume that you need a Capitol
Hill perspective to feel an appropriate degree of compassion. Well, sometimes I wish they'd
exchange that lofty vista once in a while for your ground floor, closeup view of how the world
really is. Forcing Americans to accept the dictates of government in Washington instead of
dealing with their elected representatives in their city hall has got to be one of the more serious
mistakes of the century.
City hall, county seats, and State legislatures are the very laboratories of democracy. By removing
the possibility of resolving our problems where they occur, too many have turned their backs on
the genius of our system. Too many have stopped believing in our ability to govern and provide
for ourselves.
Well, I believe that you're the hope of our nation. I put my faith in the American people and the
quality of the leaders they elect to local office. You, in turn, must call on all your imagination and
creativity to find new local answers for today's urban problems.
The Federal Government will not turn its back on you, but it's no coincidence that our present
troubles are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives by Big Brother in
Washington. We'll not cure what ails us by drinking more of what caused our sickness in the first
place. Yes, there are some services that you cannot provide without some direct assistance from
Washington. And you'll get that assistance. But it's time to sort out who does what best. Have
Federal grants or loans accompanied by Federal dictates as to your priorities been a solution or a
part of the problem? Have we all become addicted to temporary bailouts, failing to realize that the
only answer must be a restoration of our economy from sea to shining sea?
Your revenues, I know, are falling away as your tax base shrinks. For a time the answer could be
found in help from the Federal Government, which had usurped much of the taxing source. But as
Washington responded by taxing more and borrowing even more to maintain its Big Brother role,
it became a drag on the economy. Investment and production suffered, and more and more of the
people living in your cities found themselves unemployed. It's time to give up the temporary
band-aids and placebos and get on with the business of a real cure.
I've proposed a growth agenda for the eighties to put us on solid footing once again to bring back
incentive in America, to make saving seem like good sense again, and to make investment more
worth the risk. We proposed, and the Congress passed, the largest tax rate cut in history,
although that 25 percent, across-the-board tax rate cut won't quite match the largest tax hike in
history that was passed during the previous administration. I believe it is already providing,
however, the stimulus needed to get our economy moving again.
This next installment, the so-called ``third-year,'' will benefit working men and women more than
anyone else and will have the most dramatic impact on our economy. In later years, taxes will be
indexed. Then government will not profit by inflation, pushing Americans into higher and higher
tax brackets every time they receive a cost-of-living raise.
Now, this tax talk is no pipedream. Think back. When was the last time this country enjoyed real
growth? When was the last period of boom, when unemployment dropped low, personal savings
piled high, real wages grew, investment steadily increased, our industries were pumping at nearly
full speed, and our gross national product was climbing? The last great period of American
economic growth, low inflation rates, was in the 1960's, following enactment of the tax rate cut
proposed by President John F. Kennedy.
President Kennedy knew as we know today: All the government boondoggles in the world won't
fix what's ailing us. The only way to cure our problems is to get the economy moving again. And
one of the best ways to stimulate the economy is to give the American worker a break and cut his
or her taxes.
To further loosen the Federal chokehold on the American economy, we in this administration have
been simultaneously scaling back programs, slowing government growth, and sorting out
responsibility between levels of government. As a result, inflation, once public enemy number one,
has dropped from double digits to 4.9 percent so far this year. The prime rate, once as high as
21\1/2\ percent, is down to 11\1/2\. The personal savings rate is increasing, the housing industry
has begun to recover, and the stock market has been sending a strong signal of confidence for
some time.
The worst remaining problems are the tragedy of unemployment and the monstrous proportions
of our deficit. We have, as I've said, sizably reduced the annual increase in spending but there's no
way we can eliminate, by budget cuts alone, the structural deficit built into the budget, nor can it
be eliminated by raising taxes.
In the 5 years leading up to 1981, taxes almost doubled, and so did the deficits. The answer lies in
stimulating the economy and increasing productivity. Even the trillion-dollar debt will become
more manageable if it becomes a smaller percentage of the gross national product, which is the
true measure of our wealth. Therefore, our every action should be aimed at helping the economy.
We must not be lured into taking emergency actions aimed at temporary relief.
Once we get our economy growing again, it will generate more jobs. When more people begin to
find work, fewer will be forced to depend on government social programs. Americans will be
earning more, and the government will take in more revenue without raising the tax rates. By
contrast, raising personal income taxes stifles the economy, throwing more people out of work.
Fewer tax dollars would come in from higher tax rates as more people would depend on Uncle
Sam. We'd spend more money we didn't have, probably raise taxes still more, and end up making
the deficit worse and worse.
That's why I believe our economic recovery program, based on solid, time-tested economic
principles, will work. But we'll not rely on the pillars of that program alone. We must take
advantage of every resource available to us. For example, as people like Mayor Voinovich keep
me painfully aware, enormous numbers of citizens are ready and able to work and yet don't have
jobs. We'll need the strength of every back and the power of every mind to lift us to recovery.
And I won't rest until every American who wants a job can find one.
But if we're to grow into the decades ahead, we must have the skills to work in them. But it's been
estimated that at least 20 million American workers now rely on skills that won't be needed 20
years from now. The government has trained thousands more in skills that already aren't needed in
their communities. Still others have been steered into make-work, government programs with no
future.
We've got to do better, especially for our young people. And that's why I recently signed the Job
Training Partnership Act to put more Americans to work where they live. That program will train
more than 1 million of our citizens every year in skills that local business, civic, municipal, and
labor leaders determine are needed in their own communities. And I'm asking the American
business community to give us the support and leadership that we need to make the program
succeed.
Now, we're blessed with an agricultural abundance unmatched in the history of the world. To
better use this resource, we're seeking out new markets, lifting old barriers, and restoring our
reputation as a reliable exporter. Today our agricultural system provides the foundation for about
24 million American jobs -- almost one-fifth of our nation's work force. We can do even better.
Earlier this fall, I signed the Export Trading Company Act to help small- and medium-sized
exporting businesses. Experts say that this legislation will mean several hundred thousand
American jobs. We've also reduced the tax burden on businesses promoting our products abroad,
and are pressuring our trading partners to lift unfair export subsidies. Our export policies are key
to our growth agenda and to the revitalization of America.
At home we're trying to nurture the seeds of renewal in the decaying cores of some of our older
cities. When I visited Mayor Schaefer in Baltimore, I was shown a vision of a future that we can
choose for our cities, and it's a future that works.
There's a renaissance in Baltimore, brought about by a shared commitment between government
and industry -- a partnership for progress between the public and the private sector. It's a city of
excitement, growth, and diversity. I know that Baltimore has received aid from a number of
Federal programs and has made particularly good use of Urban Development Action Grants, but
it has also been a center of innovation and incentive. For example, there is a Blue Chip-in program
in Baltimore, where private companies are investing in programs that create jobs, train the
unemployed, and provide some emergency services to the city. Baltimore is proof that our
potential is unlimited if the public and private sectors will work together.
And Baltimore is not alone. Phoenix is also promoting public and private sector cooperation with
great results. In that city, for example, local building and zoning regulations have been eased to
encourage private development of lower cost housing. More and more cities are making creative
use of their resources to solve their problems.
I proposed an enterprise zone initiative to bring some of this innovative growth and excitement to
even more cities around the country. The plan would create a free-market environment in
depressed areas through tax relief, lifting regulations, and reducing other government burdens. By
creating opportunity in our urban centers, businesses will begin returning, jobs will spring up, and
the healing process of economic rejuvenation will begin. I don't need to explain to you what that
will eventually mean in terms of your tax base.
The idea already has popular support. Fourteen States have already passed their own enterprise
zone legislation without waiting for the Congress to act. Hundreds of cities are mapping out
enterprise zone sites, as you well know. And in a recent survey of Fortune 500 chief executive
officers, 67 percent said they would seriously consider investing in the zones after seeing the final
version of the legislation. Keep in mind that most of those who responded said they wouldn't even
have considered bringing their businesses into those cities before the enterprise zone incentives
were offered. Small and minority-owned businesses would find even more opportunity.
In these difficult economic times when overall unemployment is high and youth and minority
unemployment in some places has reached depression proportions, you'd think the Congress
would jump at the chance to bring about this kind of growth opportunity and jobs. Well, I call on
them today as they prepare to take up the rest of their unfinished chores to complete action on the
enterprise zone initiative and let our cities get on with the business of recovery. The Senate has
acted on it. The House has not, and it's been before the House for virtually a year.
If we're to move new and more goods in and out of our cities, if our cities are to attract more
residents -- there is another facet -- we must face the fact that their infrastructure is falling into
disrepair, less and less able to support growing demands. I need only listen to Mayor Caliguiri tell
me about Pittsburgh's crumbling bridges or Mayor Hance recite the problems of the transportation
system straining to cope with the burgeoning population to understand the urgency of this
problem.
The state of our transportation system affects our commerce. It affects our economy and it affects
our future. For many cities such repairs have become critical to growth and renewal. But no
matter where we live in America, we're all dependent on our world-famous transportation
network for the food we eat, the goods we buy, and the mobility we prize. Once a wonder of the
modern world, that network is decaying, and we must restore it. I'll ask the Congress to authorize
a much-needed overhaul of our transportation system.
We built our highways with user fees -- or with money paid by those of us who benefited from the
system. It was a fair concept then, and it is today. And that's why we're proposing to pay for
today's repairs by increasing the highway user fee, or gasoline tax, by the equivalent of 5 cents per
gallon. That fee hasn't been raised in 23 years, and it no longer meets our needs. The nickel per
gallon that we proposed will mean an extra $30 a year for most carowners. But if we don't fix the
roads, they might have to pay more than that to keep their wheels alined.
This program will be massive in scope, but it will not add to the deficit or increase your income
tax. It will allow us to complete the Interstate System, make almost all the interstate repairs,
strengthen all our dangerously weak bridges, improve thousands of others, enhance all of our
safety, and address the critical public of transit needs of our cities.
The program that we're proposing will stimulate 170,000 jobs in the hard-hit construction industry
and an additional 150,000 jobs in related industries. But while this is significant, the jobs are
significant, the proposal's most important contribution is that it is needed for our cities and our
country to grow again. It's an investment in tomorrow that we must make today. And I urge the
Congress to pass it in this session, and I hope that you'll tell them also they should do that.
In the 1980 campaign, I pledged support for general revenue sharing. I proposed full funding of
general revenue sharing in fiscal years '82 and '83. And while I haven't made any final budget
decisions for fiscal year '84, I can promise you I will look at revenue sharing in the same light.
Robert Louis Stevenson once said, ``You can't run away from a weakness; you must some time
fight it out or perish; and if that is so, why not now, and where you stand?'' The weakness in this
country for too many years has been our insistence on leaving -- or carving an ever-increasing
number of slices from a shrinking economic pie. Our policies have concentrated on rationing
scarcity rather than creating plenty. As a result, our economy has stagnated. But those days are
ending.
We must lift where we stand, struggle for tomorrow, and earn anew the reputation this country
once had as the land of golden opportunity. That is the reasoning and the challenge behind the
agenda for growth that I've outlined today.
One of the first challenges ever given any American came from John Winthrop, standing on the
deck of the tiny ship Arabella as it lay off the Massachusetts coast in 1630. As he looked at the
band of settlers gathered before him, he said, ``We shall be a city upon a hill. The eyes of all
people are upon us. . . .''
America must once again be full of leaders dedicated to building shining cities on hills, until our
nation's future is bright again with their collective glow. You have it within you to make it
happen, to lead our people and our cities to the renewal we all seek.
I am committed to continuing a direct relationship between the Federal Government and our
nation's cities. I will work with you, and the Federal Government will lend you support. But join
together to take up the challenge, and there will be nothing to stand in your way. If you do, we
will come alive again, we'll grow again, and America will be great again.
Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 10:48 a.m. in the Los Angeles Convention Center.
Following his appearance at the convention, the President returned to Washington, D.C.