Documents Issued at the Conclusion of Meetings of the North Atlantic Council Held in Bonn, Federal Republic of Germany

June 10, 1982

Declaration of the Heads of State and Government Participating in the Meeting of the North Atlantic Council at Bonn, 10th June, 1982

1. We, the representatives of the 16 members of the North Atlantic Alliance, reaffirm our dedication to the shared values and ideals on which our transatlantic partnership is based.

2. The accession of Spain to the North Atlantic Treaty, after its peaceful change to parliamentary democracy, bears witness to the vitality of the Alliance as a force for peace and freedom.

3. Our Alliance has preserved peace for a third of a century. It is an association of free nations joined together to preserve their security through mutual guarantees and collective self-defence as recognised by the United Nations Charter. It remains the essential instrument for deterring aggression by means of a strong defence and strengthening peace by means of constructive dialogue. Our solidarity in no way conflicts with the right of each of our countries to choose its own policies and internal development, and allows for a high degree of diversity. Therein lies our strength. In a spirit of mutual respect, we are prepared to adjust our aims and interests at all times through free and close consultations; these are the core of everyday Allied co-operation and will be intensified appropriately. We are a partnership of equals, none dominant and none dominated.

4. The Soviet Union, for its part, requires the countries associated with it to act as a bloc, in order to preserve a rigid and imposed system. Moreover, experience shows that the Soviet Union is ultimately willing to threaten or use force beyond its own frontiers. Afghanistan and the Soviet attitude with regard to the Polish crisis show this clearly. The Soviet Union has devoted over the past decade a large part of its resources to a massive military build-up, far exceeding its defence needs and supporting the projection of military power on a global scale. While creating a threat of these dimensions, Warsaw Pact governments condemn Western defence efforts as aggressive. While they ban unilateral disarmament movements in their own countries, they support demands for unilateral disarmament in the West.

5. International stability and world peace require greater restraint and responsibility on the part of the Soviet Union. We, for our part, reaffirming the principles and purposes of the Alliance, set forth our Programme for Peace in Freedom:

(a) Our purpose is to prevent war and, while safeguarding democracy, to build the foundations of lasting peace. None of our weapons will ever be used except in response to attack. We respect the sovereignty, equality, independence and territorial integrity of all states. In fulfilment of our purpose, we shall maintain adequate military strength and political solidarity. On that basis, we will persevere in efforts to establish, whenever Soviet behaviour makes this possible, a more constructive East-West relationship through dialogue, negotiation and mutually advantageous co-operation.

(b) Our purpose is to preserve the security of the North Atlantic area by means of conventional and nuclear forces adequate to deter aggression and intimidation. This requires a sustained effort on the part of all the Allies to improve their defence readiness and military capabilities, without seeking military superiority. Our countries have the necessary resources to undertake this effort. The presence of North American armed forces in Europe and the United States strategic nuclear commitment to Europe remain integral to Allied security. Of equal importance are the maintenance and continued improvement of the defence capabilities of the European members of the Alliance. We will seek to achieve greater effectiveness in the application of national resources to defence, giving due attention to possibilities for developing areas of practical co-operation. In this respect the Allies concerned will urgently explore ways to take full advantage both technically and economically of emerging technologies. At the same time steps will be taken in the appropriate fora to restrict Warsaw Pact access to Western militarily relevant technology.

(c) Our purpose is to have a stable balance of forces at the lowest possible level, thereby strengthening peace and international security. We have initiated a comprehensive series of proposals for militarily significant, equitable and verifiable agreements on the control and reduction of armaments. We fully support the efforts of the United States to negotiate with the Soviet Union for substantial reductions in the strategic nuclear weapons of the two countries, and for the establishment of strict and effective limitations on their intermediate-range nuclear weapons, starting with the total elimination of their land-based intermediate-range missiles, which are of most concern to each side. We will continue to seek substantial reductions of conventional forces on both sides in Europe, and to reach agreement on measures which will serve to build confidence and enhance security in the whole of Europe.

To this end, those of us whose countries participate in the negotiations on Mutal and Balanced Force Reductions in Vienna have agreed on a new initiative to give fresh impetus to these negotiations. We will also play an active part in wider international talks on arms control and disarmament; at the Second United Nations Special Session on Disarmament which has just opened in New York, we will work to give new momentum to these talks.

(d) Our purpose is to develop substantial and balanced East-West relations aimed at genuine detente. For this to be achieved, the sovereignty of all states, wherever situated, must be respected, human rights must not be sacrificed to state interests, the free movement of ideas must take the place of one-sided propaganda, the free movement of persons must be made possible, efforts must be made to achieve a military relationship characterised by stability and openness, and in general all principles and provisions of the Helsinki Final Act in their entirety must be applied. We, for our part, will always be ready to negotiate in this spirit and we look for tangible evidence that this attitude is reciprocated.

(e) Our purpose is to contribute to peaceful progress worldwide; we will work to remove the causes of instability such as under-development or tensions which encourage outside interference. We will continue to play our part in the struggle against hunger and poverty. Respect for genuine non-alignment is important for international stability. All of us have an interest in peace and security in other regions of the world. We will consult together as appropriate on events in these regions which may have implications for our security, taking into account our commonly identified objectives. Those of us who are in a position to do so will endeavour to respond to requests for assistance from sovereign states whose security and independence is threatened.

(f) Our purpose is to ensure economic and social stability for our countries, which will strengthen our joint capacity to safeguard our security. Sensitive to the effects of each country's policies on others, we attach the greatest importance to the curbing of inflation and a return to sustained growth and to high levels of employment.

While noting the important part which our economic relations with the Warsaw Pact countries can play in the development of a stable East-West relationship, we will approach those relations in a prudent and diversified manner consistent with our political and security interests. Economic relations should be conducted on the basis of a balanced advantage for both sides. We undertake to manage financial relations with the Warsaw Pact countries on a sound economic basis, including commerical prudence also in the granting of export credits. We agree to exchange information in the appropriate fora on all aspects of our economic, commerical and financial relations with Warsaw Pact countries.

6. Nowhere has our commitment to common basic values been demonstrated more clearly than with regard to the situation in Germany and Berlin. We remain committed to the security and freedom of Berlin and continue to support efforts to maintain the calm situation in and around the city. The continued success of efforts by the Federal Republic of Germany to improve the relationship between the two German states is important to the safeguarding of peace in Europe. We recall that the rights and responsibilities of the Four Powers relating to Berlin and Germany as a whole remain unaffected and confirm our support for the political objective of the Federal Republic of Germany to work towards a state of peace in Europe in which the German people regains its unity through free self-determination.

7. We condemn all acts of international terrorism. They constitute flagrant violations of human dignity and rights and are a threat to the conduct of normal international relations. In accordance with our national legislation, we stress the need for the most effective co-operation possible to prevent and suppress this scourge.

8. We call upon the Soviet Union to abide by internationally accepted standards of behaviour without which there can be no prospect of stable international relations, and to join now with us in the search for constructive relations, arms reductions and world peace.

B

Document on Integrated NATO Defence

As indicated in the Declaration of today, we, the representatives of those members of the North Atlantic Alliance taking part in its integrated defence structure, hereby set out our detailed positions on defence. We welcome the intention of Spain to participate in the integrated defence structure, and the readiness of the President of the Spanish Government to associate himself with this document, while noting that the modalities of Spanish participation have still to be worked out.

Pursuant to the principles set out in the Programme for Peace and Freedom, we agree that, in accordance with current NATO defense plans, and within the context of NATO strategy and its triad of forces, we will continue to strengthen NATO's defence posture, with special regard to conventional forces. Efforts of our nations in support of the decisions reached at Washington in 1978 have led to improved defensive capabilities. Notwithstanding this progress, it is clear, as documented in the recently published comparison of NATO and Warsaw Pact forces, that continuing efforts are essential to Alliance security. Against this background, we will:

-- Fulfil to the greatest extent possible the NATO Force Goals for the next six years, including measures to improve the readiness of the standing forces and the readiness and mobilization capability of reserve forces. Note was taken of the recently concluded agreement between the United States and the Federal Republic of Germany for wartime host nation support.

-- Continue to implement measures identified in the Long-Term Defence Programme designed to enhance our overall defence capabilities.

-- Continue to improve NATO planning procedures and explore other ways of achieving greater effectiveness in the application of national resources to defence, especially in the conventional field. In that regard, we will continue to give due attention to fair burden-sharing and to possibilities for developing areas of practical co-operation from which we can all benefit.

-- Explore ways to take full advantage both technically and economically of emerging technologies, especially to improve conventional defence, and take steps necessary to restrict the transfer of militarily relevant technology to the Warsaw Pact.

Noting that developments beyond the NATO area may threaten our vital interests, we reaffirm the need to consult with a view to sharing assessments and identifying common objectives, taking full account of the effect on NATO security and defence capability, as well as of the national interests of member countries. Recognising that the policies which nations adopt in this field are a matter for national decision, we agree to examine collectively in the appropriate NATO bodies the requirements which may arise for the defence of the NATO area as a result of deployments by individual member states outside that area. Steps which may be taken by individual Allies in the light of such consultations to facilitate possible military deployments beyond the NATO area can represent an important contribution to Western security.

B

Document on Arms Control and Disarmament

As indicated in our Declaration of today, we, the representatives of the 16 members of the North Atlantic Alliance, hereby set out our detailed positions on Arms Control and Disarmament:

Militarily significant, equitable and verifiable agreements on arms control and disarmament contribute to the strengthening of peace and are an integral part of our security policies. Western proposals offer the possibility of substantial reductions in United States and Soviet strategic arms and intermediate-range weapons and in conventional forces in Europe, as well as of confidence-building measures covering the whole of Europe:

-- In the forthcoming Strategic Arms Reductions Talks (START), we call on the Soviet Union to agree on significant reductions in United States and Soviet strategic nuclear forces, focussed on the most destabilizing inter-continental systems.

-- In the negotiations on Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces (INF) which are conducted within the START framework and are based on the December 1979 decision on INF modernization and arms control* (FOOTNOTE) , the United States proposal for the complete elimination of all longer-range land-based INF missiles of the United States and the Soviet Union holds promise for an equitable outcome and enhanced security for all.

(FOOTNOTE) *In this connection Greece reserves its position

-- Those of us participating in the Vienna negotiations on Mutual and Balanced Force Reductions (MBFR) will soon present a draft treaty embodying a new, comprehensive proposal designed to give renewed momentum to these negotiations and achieve the long-standing objective of enhancing stability and security in Europe. They stress that the Western treaty proposal, if accepted, will commit all participants whose forces are involved -- European and North American -- to participate in accordance with the principle of collectivity in substantial manpower reductions leading to equal collective ceilings for the forces of Eastern and Western participants in Central Europe, based on agreed data, with associated measures designed to strengthen confidence and enhance verification.

-- In CSCE, the proposal for a Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe as part of a balanced outcome of the Madrid CSCE Follow-up meeting would open the way to increased transparency and enhanced stability in the whole of Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals.

At the same time, we are continuing our efforts to promote stable peace on a global scale:

-- In the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva, the Allies will actively pursue efforts to obtain equitable and verifiable agreements including a total ban on chemical weapons.

-- In the Second Special Session on Disarmament of the United Nations General Assembly now in progress, we trust that new impetus will be given to negotiations current and in prospect, especially by promoting military openness and verification, that the need for strict observance of the principle of renunciation of force enshrined in the United Nations Charter will be reaffirmed, and that compliance with existing agreements will be strengthened.

We appeal to all states to co-operate with us in these efforts to strengthen peace and security. In particular we call on the Soviet Union to translate its professed commitment to disarmament into active steps aimed at achieving concrete, balanced and verifiable results at the negotiating table.

Note: The President participated in morning and afternoon plenary sessions held at the Schaumberg Palace. During the day he also met with Prime Minister Leopoldo Calvo Sotelo y Bustelo of Spain, Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou of Greece, and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sa'ud al-Faysal of Saudi Arabia.

As printed above, the item follows the texts provided by the NATO Press Service.