March 5, 1984
Thank you very much for that, and thank all of you for a warm welcome, and good afternoon.
I'm delighted to have another chance to speak with the National League of Cities. As you
probably remember -- some of you at least -- when we met in this room 3 years ago this week, I
didn't have much good news to give you. The United States faced the worst mess since the Great
Depression. Our national economy was nearing the breaking point, and so were our cities.
We'd paid a steep price for years of good intentions badly misdirected. Families felt helpless in the
face of double-digit inflation, 21\1/2\-percent prime interest rates, and a virtual halt in economic
growth.
Cities were especially hard hit. The eroding tax base had widened the cost-revenue gap of city
budgets. As labor costs increased, services were cut. Doubling of tax exempt bond rates knocked
local governments out of the bond market, so you had to delay your infrastructure projects. And
the private sector couldn't provide much help because high taxes and the high cost of borrowing
had drained them of money and flexibility. Decades of Federal programs costing billions of dollars
hadn't done the job. And the dramatic increase of Federal participation in local government
complicated urban problems and threatened the foundation of our federal system.
We'd begun to lose sight of the fact of how our cities first became great, and that loss of vision
may well have been our worst urban problem. Ingenuity and innovation built our cities and made
them centers of commerce and education, of culture and communication, and of progress and
opportunity. But the gradual shift of power toward the Federal Government moved us away from
the very principles which kept our cities on a sound footing for most of our history.
Back when I was getting a degree in economics, taxes -- Federal, State, and local -- were taking a
dime out of every dollar earned. And two-thirds of that went to State and local government.
Today government is taking more than four times that much, and two-thirds of that is the Federal
Government's share.
Communities had lost control of some of the most basic decisions affecting everyday life. Local
policymakers became less able to respond to the needs of their community as the Federal
Government became ever more intrusive. The growing burden of Federal oversight did little but
put cities in handcuffs.
We knew America could not get back on its feet without -- or with our cities flat on their backs.
And that's why we appealed for your support to embark on a new course. Our compass would be
those time-tested principles which have never failed us when we've lived up to them.
I think we're beginning to make headway both in addressing the causes of urban decline and in
lifting your cities toward a new era of prosperity and stability. We believe there are four keys to
success:
First, strong and steady economic growth. A healthy economy is our most powerful tool for
revitalizing urban America.
Second, federalism. By sorting out who does what best, we can return power to levels of
government closer to the people.
And third, public-private partnerships. We want to pool government and private sector resources
through positive incentives and enterprise zones so that we can harness the power and creativity
of the marketplace.
And fourth, a return to basic values. We seek to promote a renewal of community life and to
strengthen the social fabric of the city -- excellence in the classrooms, voluntarism, a sense of
responsibility, and safety on the streets.
We should be confident. We are the same people who put our ambitions and skills to work and
built the best cities in the world. If our program is fully enacted, today's problems can be
overcome.
Now, I know that success will not come easy. It'll take great effort and patience. But it can and it
will be done. Rebuilding cities begins with economic growth, and I believe our economic recovery
is the most important urban renewal program in America today. The breadth and strength of this
economic expansion are carrying fresh breezes of hope and opportunity to more and more urban
areas.
Industrial production has increased for 14 straight months. Factory orders, factory utilization, and
residential construction are all gaining strength. The growth of service industries continues to
expand. Last year auto sales were at a 5-year high. More than 100,000 auto workers have been
recalled. And with real, fixed business investment up by 13 percent -- that was last year -- the
biggest gain of any recovery in the past 30 years, we see a bright future with more growth and
jobs, and that's good news for the cities.
One example sums up the difference between the old policies of government pump-priming and
our approach that begins with trusting people. Last year, there were demands for us to support an
old-style, $3\1/2\ billion training program that was meant to place 300,000 people in make-work
jobs. We turned it down so that economic recovery could do the job. Well, this recovery has put
as many people back to work each month as they claimed their program would have done in a
year. We have added 300,000 jobs every single month for the past 14 months. That's more than 4
million new workers on the job and paying taxes.
The second key to success is a renewed emphasis on federalism. We believe that when it comes to
running cities, local officials can do a better job from city hall than bureaucrats can from
Washington. [Applause] You tempt me to quit right there. [Laughter]
In our discussions, you said you wanted regulatory relief and reform, general revenue sharing, and
block grants. Well, we agree. We want to make programs more responsible for the people that
they're -- and more responsive to the people that they're meant to help. And we want to put an
end to cumbersome administration and spiraling costs at the Federal level.
Well, we're beginning to do this. We supported general revenue sharing and the surface
transportation act which provides dedicated capital funding for mass transit. We've consolidated
56 narrow-purpose categorical grant programs into eight block grants, and we replaced two
regulation-burdened programs -- CETA and Title XX -- with flexible block grants.
The cut in wasteful overhead has been dramatic: 647 pages of regulations have been eliminated.
And your paperwork burden at State and local levels has been cut by 90 percent. We estimate that
local governments were spared $2 billion in annual costs and between $4 billion and $6 billion in
startup costs.
Our current budget proposes further grant consolidations to let State and local levels determine
their own priorities, transfer funds to high priority areas, and further reduce overhead. This new
flexibility for the States is now being felt at the local level. Six States have consolidated portions
of their health block grants into mini-blocks for their local governments. Now, admittedly, that's
only a start; we'd like to see more States doing the same thing. Federalism can't stop at the State
capital.
Public-private partnerships are the third important key for sparking economic opportunity and
development of urban areas. Partnerships can take advantage of every opportunity available, and
they can use these opportunities in a most efficient and productive way to meet local needs. No
single sector of our nation -- government, business, labor, or nonprofit organizations -- can solve
our urban problems alone. But by working together, pooling our resources, and building on our
strengths, we can accomplish great things.
Starting with a $2 million CDBG grant, Columbus, Ohio's partnership with lending institutions, a
community housing group, and a local management company revitalized a neighborhood that was
threatened with displacement. The project generated over $24 million in private investment. And
the neighborhood of low- and moderate-income families was saved.
In Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, a public economic development agency used its $1.7 million grant
to create a revolving loan fund. The fund generated over $12 million in private capital to revive
the downtown area and begin development of the city's industrial park. Nearly a thousand jobs
have been either created or saved, and Wilkes-Barre's tax revenues have increased by more than
$500,000.
Long Beach, California, used its CDBG and UDAG grants for a major downtown redevelopment
program. And the private sector contributed $100 million to build a regional shopping center. City
leaders tell us this partnership has sparked $1.2 billion in new commercial and residential
development, 1,200 new jobs, and a major increase in tax revenues.
Partnerships produce jobs. The Job Training Partnership Act gives local government new
flexibility, and by using private industry councils it matches local needs with sensible training. The
program will train over a million permanently displaced blue-collar workers per year for
productive jobs. CETA did just the opposite. It spent $53 billion to find private sector jobs for
only 15 percent of the participants. Well, CETA's days are over. Our commitment is to a genuine
partnership for real jobs with a real future.
While I'm talking about jobs, let me mention that more and more people recognize the minimum
wage puts unskilled young people at a disadvantage in finding that crucial first job. Our youth
employment opportunity wage bill will give a much needed boost to those looking for their first
summertime job, and it deserves your support.
There's one more initiative that could mean exciting renewal for urban areas of hardcore
unemployment and blight. Fifteen months ago, at your annual convention in Los Angeles, I talked
about our enterprise zone legislation. Well, it's been on Capitol Hill now for more than 2 years.
The Senate has passed it. The House continues to bottle it up. How in the world can some people
give speeches about creating jobs and hope when they refuse to take action on a bill that's
designed to provide just that? Enterprise zones encourage growth where we need it most -- in
areas of high youth and minority unemployment, in urban areas where the tax base has been hit
the hardest. And our legislation will give cities the flexibility they need to make this innovative
idea work.
Twenty-one States have already passed their own enterprise zone programs, and the results are
very encouraging. Success stories are coming in from cities nationwide. And I'm told that after
your unanimous endorsement of this initiative last December, you placed it on your 1984
priorities list. Well, now, all of you will be on Capitol Hill this week. Permit me to make one
request. Please tell those people to look at the evidence and give our enterprise zones bill a
chance. I've said it before and I'll say it again: They don't have to see the light; they have to feel
the heat. [Laughter]
The fourth and final key to a stronger, more prosperous, and stable urban America is a
strengthening of basic values through renewal of community life. People coming together in a
spirit of neighborhood is what makes cities worth living in. It's what keeps businesses and attracts
new ones. And it's what keeps faith with the fine traditions of the past while enabling us to build
the future with confidence. Shakespeare said, ``The people are the cities.'' And if our cities can
create thriving neighborhoods that offer excellence in education, efficiency and affordability,
safety on -- but drugs and crime off -- our streets, then they can become great centers of growth,
diversity, and excitement, filled with sound, colors, warmth, and delight.
For too many years, crime and the fear of crime robbed our cities of their strength and vitality and
frightened away the business community. Well, common sense is beginning to pay off. In 1982 the
crime rate dropped by 4.2 percent -- the biggest decline in a decade. And all over the country
people are banding together and working with law enforcement agencies in thousands of crime
prevention programs. We're cracking down on habitual criminals, organized crime, and the
drugpushers. Federal task forces are stepping up the pressure. And we're working hard to
improve the criminal justice treatment of the innocent victims of crime.
But formidable challenges remain. The scales of criminal justice are still tilted toward protecting
the rights of criminals. I believe it's high time we restore a proper balance and start doing more to
protect our law-abiding citizens. Lenient judges are only lenient on crooks; they're very hard on
society.
The way to get along -- or to get long overdue reform begins with passage of our comprehensive
crime control act. It passed the Senate last month. But here again, the House continues to wait.
When you're on Capitol Hill this week, maybe you could give our friends in the House another
message. When it comes to putting dangerous criminals behind bars, when it comes to keeping
our people safe in their homes and neighborhoods, there should be no Republicans or Democrats,
only Americans working for the common good.
We should also work together to improve the quality of American education. The report by the
Commission on Excellence in Education made it clear that nothing short of a grassroots
revolution would bring back quality education to our classrooms. Total expenditures for our
schools rose more than 600 percent between 1960 and 1980, but Scholastic Aptitude Test scores
were in a steady decline, and 13 percent of our 17-year-olds were functional illiterates.
We should take a lesson from New Hampshire. In fact, I'm a little -- not just what happened
recently -- [laughter]. In fact, I'm a little surprised so few people noticed, during all the time they
spent there in recent weeks, New Hampshire ranks 50th, dead last in State aid to education. But
New Hampshire ranks first in Scholastic Aptitude Tests in those States where at least half the
students take the test. And it's maintained that honor for more than 10 years. Very simple, why: In
New Hampshire control of education remains in the hands of the people at the community
level.
I believe that education already is playing its part in America's renewal. Parents, teachers,
administrators, local officeholders, and school boards are finally getting back to fundamentals.
They're providing leadership, working harder, and thinking smarter.
Today all 50 States have education task forces, and major reforms are being adopted in academic
standards, discipline, curriculum, and basic values. We're seeing signs of improvement in test
scores. Excellence in education is on its way back.
This spirit of renewal is the American spirit, and we see that spirit everywhere we look, from the
healthy rise in corporate and private giving to thousands of exciting private sector initiatives, and
from neighbors helping neighbors to a welcome return to our basic values.
Now, I know that over the last 3 years we've had to make some tough decisions, and there are
still some tough ones to come. I appreciate that the cities you represent have felt the pain of
reducing the growth of Federal spending. But to continue down that path that America was on
would have meant disaster. We all want what is best for those who live in our cities. They deserve
no less. And together we can make it happen. And with your leadership, and with our partnership,
it will happen.
Thank you, and God bless you all.
Note: The President spoke at 3:12 p.m. in the International Ballroom at the Washington Hilton
Hotel.