Address Before a Joint Session of Congress on the State of the
Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, and distinguished Members of the House and Senate:
we first met here 7 years ago -- many of us for the first time -- it was with
the hope of beginning something new for
History records the power of the ideas that brought us here those 7 years ago -- ideas like the individual's right to reach as far and as high as his or her talents will permit; the free market as an engine of economic progress. And as an ancient Chinese philosopher, Lao-tzu, said: ``Govern a great nation as you would cook a small fish; do not overdo it.'' [Laughter] Well, these ideas were part of a larger notion, a vision, if you will, of America herself -- an America not only rich in opportunity for the individual but an America, too, of strong families and vibrant neighborhoods; an America whose divergent but harmonizing communities were a reflection of a deeper community of values: the value of work, of family, of religion, and of the love of freedom that God places in each of us and whose defense He has entrusted in a special way to this nation.
of this was made possible by an idea I spoke of when Mr. Gorbachev was here --
the belief that the most exciting revolution ever known to humankind began with
three simple words: ``We the People,'' the revolutionary notion that the people
grant government its rights, and not the other way around. And there's one
lesson that has come home powerfully to me, which I would offer to you now.
Just as those who created this Republic pledged to each other their lives,
their fortunes, and their sacred honor, so, too,
the spirit of
Our record is not just the longest peacetime expansion in history but an economic and social revolution of hope based on work, incentives, growth, and opportunity; a revolution of compassion that led to private sector initiatives and a 77-percent increase in charitable giving; a revolution that at a critical moment in world history reclaimed and restored the American dream.
international relations, too, there's only one description for what, together,
we have achieved: a complete turnabout, a revolution. Seven years ago,
And in a few moments, I'm going to talk about three developments -- arms reduction, the Strategic Defense Initiative, and the global democratic revolution -- that, when taken together, offer a chance none of us would have dared imagine 7 years ago, a chance to rid the world of the two great nightmares of the postwar era. I speak of the startling hope of giving our children a future free of both totalitarianism and nuclear terror.
then, we're strong, prosperous, at peace, and we are free. This is the state of
Toward this end, we have four basic objectives tonight. First, steps we can take this year to keep our economy strong and growing, to give our children a future of low inflation and full employment. Second, let's check our progress in attacking social problems, where important gains have been made, but which still need critical attention. I mean schools that work, economic independence for the poor, restoring respect for family life and family values. Our third objective tonight is global: continuing the exciting economic and democratic revolutions we've seen around the world. Fourth and finally, our nation has remained at peace for nearly a decade and a half, as we move toward our goals of world prosperity and world freedom. We must protect that peace and deter war by making sure the next President inherits what you and I have a moral obligation to give that President: a national security that is unassailable and a national defense that takes full advantage of new technology and is fully funded.
is a full agenda. It's meant to be. You see, my thinking on the next year is
quite simple: Let's make this the best of 8. And that means it's all out --
right to the finish line. I don't buy the idea that this is the last year of
anything, because we're not talking here tonight about registering temporary
gains but ways of making permanent our successes. And that's why our focus is
the values, the principles, and ideas that made
One other thing we Americans like -- the future -- like the sound of it, the idea of it, the hope of it. Where others fear trade and economic growth, we see opportunities for creating new wealth and undreamed-of opportunities for millions in our own land and beyond. Where others seek to throw up barriers, we seek to bring them down. Where others take counsel of their fears, we follow our hopes. Yes, we Americans like the future and like making the most of it. Let's do that now.
And let's begin by discussing how to maintain economic growth by controlling and eventually eliminating the problem of Federal deficits. We have had a balanced budget only eight times in the last 57 years. For the first time in 14 years, the Federal Government spent less in real terms last year than the year before. We took $73 billion off last year's deficit compared to the year before. The deficit itself has moved from 6.3 percent of the gross national product to only 3.4 percent. And perhaps the most important sign of progress has been the change in our view of deficits. You know, a few of us can remember when, not too many years ago, those who created the deficits said they would make us prosperous and not to worry about the debt, because we owe it to ourselves. Well, at last there is agreement that we can't spend ourselves rich.
recent budget agreement, designed to reduce Federal deficits by $76 billion
over the next 2 years, builds on this consensus. But this agreement must be
adhered to without slipping into the errors of the past: more broken promises
and more unchecked spending. As I indicated in my first State of the
Now, it's also time for some plain talk about the most immediate obstacle to controlling Federal deficits. The simple but frustrating problem of making expenses match revenues -- something American families do and the Federal Government can't -- has caused crisis after crisis in this city. Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, I will say to you tonight what I have said before and will continue to say: The budget process has broken down; it needs a drastic overhaul. With each ensuing year, the spectacle before the American people is the same as it was this Christmas: budget deadlines delayed or missed completely, monstrous continuing resolutions that pack hundreds of billions of dollars worth of spending into one bill, and a Federal Government on the brink of default.
I know I'm echoing what you here in the Congress have said, because you suffered so directly. But let's recall that in 7 years, of 91 appropriations bills scheduled to arrive on my desk by a certain date, only 10 made it on time. Last year, of the 13 appropriations bills due by October 1st, none of them made it. Instead, we had four continuing resolutions lasting 41 days, then 36 days, and 2 days, and 3 days, respectively.
And then, along came these behemoths. This is the conference report -- 1,053 pages, report weighing 14 pounds. Then this -- a reconciliation bill 6 months late that was 1,186 pages long, weighing 15 pounds. And the long-term continuing resolution -- this one was 2 months late, and it's 1,057 pages long, weighing 14 pounds. That was a total of 43 pounds of paper and ink. You had 3 hours -- yes, 3 hours -- to consider each, and it took 300 people at my Office of Management and Budget just to read the bill so the Government wouldn't shut down. Congress shouldn't send another one of these. No, and if you do, I will not sign it.
Let's change all this. Instead of a Presidential budget that gets discarded and a congressional budget resolution that is not enforced, why not a simple partnership, a joint agreement that sets out the spending priorities within the available revenues? And let's remember our deadline is October 1st, not Christmas. Let's get the people's work done in time to avoid a footrace with Santa Claus. [Laughter] And, yes, this year -- to coin a phrase -- a new beginning: 13 individual bills, on time and fully reviewed by Congress.
I'm also certain you join me in saying: Let's help ensure our future of prosperity by giving the President a tool that, though I will not get to use it, is one I know future Presidents of either party must have. Give the President the same authority that 43 Governors use in their States: the right to reach into massive appropriation bills, pare away the waste, and enforce budget discipline. Let's approve the line-item veto.
And let's take a partial step in this direction. Most of you in this Chamber didn't know what was in this catchall bill and report. Over the past few weeks, we've all learned what was tucked away behind a little comma here and there. For example, there's millions for items such as cranberry research, blueberry research, the study of crawfish, and the commercialization of wildflowers. And that's not to mention the five or so million [$.5 million] that -- so that people from developing nations could come here to watch Congress at work. [Laughter] I won't even touch that. [Laughter] So, tonight I offer you this challenge. In 30 days I will send back to you those items as rescissions, which if I had the authority to line them out I would do so.
Now, review this multibillion-dollar package that will not undercut our bipartisan budget agreement. As a matter of fact, if adopted, it will improve our deficit reduction goals. And what an example we can set, that we're serious about getting our financial accounts in order. By acting and approving this plan, you have the opportunity to override a congressional process that is out of control.
There is another vital reform. Yes, Gramm-Rudman-Hollings has been profoundly helpful, but let us take its goal of a balanced budget and make it permanent. Let us do now what so many States do to hold down spending and what 32 State legislatures have asked us to do. Let us heed the wishes of an overwhelming plurality of Americans and pass a constitutional amendment that mandates a balanced budget and forces the Federal Government to live within its means. Reform of the budget process -- including the line-item veto and balanced budget amendment -- will, together with real restraint on government spending, prevent the Federal budget from ever again ravaging the family budget.
Let's ensure that the Federal Government never again legislates against the family and the home. Last September I signed an Executive order on the family requiring that every department and agency review its activities in light of seven standards designed to promote and not harm the family. But let us make certain that the family is always at the center of the public policy process not just in this administration but in all future administrations. It's time for Congress to consider, at the beginning, a statement of the impact that legislation will have on the basic unit of American society, the family.
And speaking of the family, let's turn to a matter on the mind of every American parent tonight: education. We all know the sorry story of the sixties and seventies -- soaring spending, plummeting test scores -- and that hopeful trend of the eighties, when we replaced an obsession with dollars with a commitment to quality, and test scores started back up. There's a lesson here that we all should write on the blackboard a hundred times: In a child's education, money can never take the place of basics like discipline, hard work, and, yes, homework.
As a nation we do, of course, spend heavily on education -- more than we spend on defense. Yet across our country, Governors like New Jersey's Tom Kean are giving classroom demonstrations that how we spend is as important as how much we spend. Opening up the teaching profession to all qualified candidates, merit pay -- so that good teachers get A's as well as apples -- and stronger curriculum, as Secretary Bennett has proposed for high schools -- these imaginative reforms are making common sense the most popular new kid in America's schools. How can we help? Well, we can talk about and push for these reforms. But the most important thing we can do is to reaffirm that control of our schools belongs to the States, local communities and, most of all, to the parents and teachers.
My friends, some years ago, the Federal Government declared war on poverty, and poverty won. [Laughter] Today the Federal Government has 59 major welfare programs and spends more than $100 billion a year on them. What has all this money done? Well, too often it has only made poverty harder to escape. Federal welfare programs have created a massive social problem. With the best of intentions, government created a poverty trap that wreaks havoc on the very support system the poor need most to lift themselves out of poverty: the family. Dependency has become the one enduring heirloom, passed from one generation to the next, of too many fragmented families.
is time -- this may be the most radical thing I've said in 7 years in this
office -- it's time for
now let me turn to three other matters vital to family values and the quality
of family life. The first is an untold American success story. Recently, we
released our annual survey of what graduating high school seniors have to say
about drugs. Cocaine use is declining, and marijuana use was the lowest since
surveying began. We can be proud that our students are just saying no to drugs.
But let us remember what this menace requires: commitment from every part of
now we come to a family issue that we must have the courage to confront.
Tonight, I call
And let me add here: So many of our greatest statesmen have reminded us that spiritual values alone are essential to our nation's health and vigor. The Congress opens its proceedings each day, as does the Supreme Court, with an acknowledgment of the Supreme Being. Yet we are denied the right to set aside in our schools a moment each day for those who wish to pray. I believe Congress should pass our school prayer amendment.
Now, to make sure there is a full nine-member Supreme Court to interpret the law, to protect the rights of all Americans, I urge the Senate to move quickly and decisively in confirming Judge Anthony Kennedy to the highest Court in the land and to also confirm 27 nominees now waiting to fill vacancies in the Federal judiciary.
Here then are our domestic priorities. Yet if the Congress and the administration work together, even greater opportunities lie ahead to expand a growing world economy, to continue to reduce the threat of nuclear arms, and to extend the frontiers of freedom and the growth of democratic institutions.
policies consistently received the strongest support of the late Congressman
Dan Daniel of
of the greatest contributions the
year, we have it within our power to take a major step toward a growing global
economy and an expanding cycle of prosperity that reaches to all the free
nations of this Earth. I'm speaking of the historic free trade agreement
negotiated between our country and
movement we see in so many places toward economic freedom is indivisible from
the worldwide movement toward political freedom and against totalitarian rule.
This global democratic revolution has removed the specter, so frightening a
decade ago, of democracy doomed to permanent minority status in the world. In
focus is on the Sandinistas, their promises and their actions. There is a
consensus among the four Central American democratic Presidents that the
Sandinistas have not complied with the plan to bring peace and democracy to all
Yet even as we work to expand world freedom, we must build a safer peace and reduce the danger of nuclear war. But let's have no illusions. Three years of steady decline in the value of our annual defense investment have increased the risk of our most basic security interests, jeopardizing earlier hard-won goals. We must face squarely the implications of this negative trend and make adequate, stable defense spending a top goal both this year and in the future.
same concern applies to economic and security assistance programs as well. But
the resolve of
addition to the INF treaty, we're within reach of an even more significant
START agreement that will reduce
I mentioned earlier, our efforts are to give future generations what we never
had -- a future free of nuclear terror. Reduction of strategic offensive arms
is one step, SDI another. Our funding request for our Strategic Defense
Initiative is less than 2 percent of the total defense budget. SDI funding is
money wisely appropriated and money well spent. SDI has the same purpose and
supports the same goals of arms reduction. It reduces the risk of war and the
threat of nuclear weapons to all mankind. Strategic defenses that threaten no
one could offer the world a safer, more stable basis for deterrence. We must
also remember that SDI is our insurance policy against a nuclear accident, a
seen such changes in the world in 7 years. As totalitarianism struggles to
avoid being overwhelmed by the forces of economic advance and the aspiration
for human freedom, it is the free nations that are resilient and resurgent. As
the global democratic revolution has put totalitarianism on the defensive, we
have left behind the days of retreat.
my thoughts tonight go beyond this, and I hope you'll let me end this evening
with a personal reflection. You know, the world could never be quite the same
again after Jacob Shallus, a trustworthy and
dependable clerk of the Pennsylvania General Assembly, took his pen and
engrossed those words about representative government in the preamble of our
Constitution. And in a quiet but final way, the course of human events was
forever altered when, on a ridge overlooking the Emmitsburg
Pike in an obscure
the start of this decade, I suggested that we live in equally momentous times, that it is up to us now to decide whether our form of
government would endure and whether history still had a place of greatness for
a quiet, pleasant, greening land called
It means, too, that the young Americans I spoke of 7 years ago, as well as those who might be coming along the Virginia or Maryland shores this night and seeing for the first time the lights of this Capital City -- the lights that cast their glow on our great halls of government and the monuments to the memory of our great men -- it means those young Americans will find a city of hope in a land that is free.
We can be proud that for them and for us, as those lights along the Potomac are still seen this night signaling as they have for nearly two centuries and as we pray God they always will, that another generation of Americans has protected and passed on lovingly this place called America, this shining city on a hill, this government of, by, and for the people.
Thank you, and God bless you.
Note: The President spoke at in the House Chamber of the Capitol. He was introduced by Jim Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives. The address was broadcast live on nationwide radio and television.