Remarks at a Republican
Party Fundraising Reception
Rudy,
Bob, thank you for inviting me here tonight. I'm delighted to be with all of
you. This is a great time of year because it gives me an opportunity to get out
and around and spread some gospel. And from what I've been told, many of you in
this room have been instrumental in making it possible to get the good word out
to the people of
I've
been so impressed with both Conrad Burns and Earl Strinden.
He's a nice boy. [Laughter] Conrad is a
And
I want to say a word about Earl as well. Earl has the kind of legislative
experience that would allow him to hit the ground running. Earl's been in the
I
see that Jan Strinden is also here tonight and has
been introduced to all of us, and I know what a great source of strength and
inspiration she is to Earl. Believe me, I don't know
what I'd do without my better half.
And
you know, whenever I come to one of these fundraisers, I think of the couple
that never once during the long years of childrearing took a vacation. But then
in retirement, they wanted to take a trip to
Well,
the fact that you're here tonight means none of you have anything in common
with those ungrateful sons. [Laughter] But, ladies and gentlemen, I've been
thinking your continued generosity is going to make a difference; and I'm
starting to think perhaps a bigger difference than any one of us could have
realized. I've been out on the campaign trail lately, and I'm just starting to
wonder if this year there isn't something in the air.
Ladies
and gentlemen, the American people are beginning to fit it all together.
They're beginning to realize that under the leadership of the liberals, that
once-proud Democratic Party, a party of hope and affirmation, has become a
party of negativism, a party whose leadership has changed it from the party of
``yes'' to the party of ``no'' -- ``no'' to the balanced budget amendment and
the line-item veto, ``no'' to holding down taxes and spending, ``no'' to the
death penalty and the school prayer amendment, ``no'' to adequate defense
spending and a Strategic Defense Initiative. The American people are beginning
to understand that in all these ways the liberal leadership has been saying no
to them. Now they're going to say no to the liberal leadership by saying yes to
George Bush and Dan Quayle and Conrad Burns and Earl Strinden
and the Republican Party.
Let's
move in on that. All of you know how vital control of the Senate is going to be
for the Republican agenda for the future. We couldn't have done any of the
things that we've accomplished in these 8 years had we not had a Republican
majority for 6 years. Holding down taxes, stopping the special interest
spending, the balanced budget amendment, the line-item veto, getting tough
anticrime legislation adopted, getting the right judges confirmed, the prayer
amendment, keeping our defenses strong and our foreign policy firm -- you know
how tough it's going to be to accomplish any of these things if that other
party remains in control of the Senate, if Ted Kennedy continues to control the
Labor Committee, if Joe Biden keeps his grip on the
Judiciary Committee, and if Howard Metzenbaum keeps
talking to death our conservative legislation?
Now
in 1986, a mere shift of some 29,000 votes would have meant that we retained
control of the Senate. But voter interest was low that year, and we lost some
races that were so close they were heartbreakers. But I give Rudy Boschwitz and Bob Dole enormous credit, because far from
being discouraged, they've realized that with voter interest much higher in
this Presidential year there's a real shot at getting back control of the
Senate. You see, all the issues that we had so much trouble getting out there
in 1986 are automatically there in 1988. The public is beginning to realize
that this election is a referendum on liberalism.
And
that means two candidates for public office -- the opponents of Earl Strinden of
And
I don't think I have to tell you that as this administration worked to get our
economy back on track and our international stature restored, we couldn't count
on the help of these two Members of the Senate. One voted with us only
one-third of the time; the other only 40 percent of the time. They voted
against us on vital issues like our drug bill, the balanced budget amendment,
the line-item veto, the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Deficit Reduction Act, increased
funding for SDI, aid to the contras, the MX mobile missile -- well, and the
list goes on.
Now,
let me tell you a secret about the electorate: They tend to vote on the issues.
And when the good conservative voters of Montana and North Dakota begin to
realize that the opponents of Conrad Burns and Earl Strinden
are nothing less than hard-core liberals, Senators who talk conservative back
home but who vote liberal in Washington, they're not going to be happy. So,
believe me, it isn't going to take smoke and mirrors and magic tricks. It's
just a matter of going to the people of
Conrad
Burns will fight for those great Western values we both hold dear. If you ask
me who the people of
So,
I want to thank each of you for helping them. I think we're heading for victory
in November. And I know George Bush is looking forward to the support of two
great Republicans like Conrad Burns and Earl Strinden
in the United States Senate.
Let
me just point one thing other out, some figures that most people tend to
overlook. For 58 years, 54 of those -- the last 58 years, including this one is
the 58th -- 54 of those years the House of Representatives has been in the
hands of the Democrats. For 48 years of the 58, they have had both Houses of
the Congress.
And
in all those 58 years, when you hear them in this campaign talking about the
Federal deficit as if it just started with our administration and as if we're
responsible, I think you should know that there were only eight balanced
budgets in all those 58 years when they were in charge -- just one, and the
last -- or eight. And the last one was in 1969. So, whose deficit is it?
I
remember making speeches all over the country back then, talking about the
every-year Federal deficit and pointing out that one day it would get loose and
start going wild. Well, along came the War on Poverty back in the middle
sixties. Poverty won because they got it passed. From 1965 to 1980, in those 15
years the budget increased to five times what it had been in '65, and the
deficit increased to 58 times what it had been in 1965.
I
know there are rank-and-file Democrats that if -- once the facts are pointed
out, they'll do what I did, because I was one of them once, and then I saw the
light. As a matter of fact, I could quote the Scriptures: ``When I was a child,
I spake as a child, I thought as a child. When I was
an adult, I put aside childish things.'' [Laughter]
Well,
that's what has brought us all together here tonight, so I'll just finish with
that and just say thank you, and God bless you all.
Note: The President
spoke at