Address by Governor Ronald Reagan
Installation of President Robert Hill,
Chancellor Dumke, thank
you. President Hill, my distinguished
colleagues up here on the top shelf, I am glad that I am backed here today by
two of your very able representatives in
I was amused also in
some of the remarks made here to discover how much we have in common. When the Chancellor spoke of the peaks and
the valleys I was wondering just how many of the audience had me in the valley
at the moment and whether anyone had me at a peak. I was also interested to note that the term
“honeymoon” had been used, and I didn’t realize that the president and I had so
much in common. If his honeymoon has
been like mine, I am sure both of us have a suspicion that romance is dead in
But I am sure that the
president and I have more than this in common.
You know, I have learned that there is a little bit of protocol in my
office. I didn’t know that this was true,
but it seems that everyone who enters my office must enter reciting a certain
phrase – “we have a problem.” And I
discover that the “we” is all inclusive; I am in that “we,” and involved in the
problem. One day when things looked
pretty dark up there, very dark as a matter of fact, some one of the staff said
to me “well cheer up, things could be worse” and so I cheered up and sure
enough they got worse.
But you know, I think we
do have more in common than just misery.
Both of us have a responsibility for a great educational system and the
part it plays in our State of
The original purpose of
public educational systems was to provide an education for those who were
unable to finance one in the existing independent colleges and
universities.
A junior college system
carries out the original concept of providing education for all. The University accepts the responsibility for
extended graduate training and research, and a truly great college system, of
which this beautiful campus is a part, offers a premium type education to
exceptionally qualified undergraduates.
Now, both the University and Colleges emphasize individual scholastic
ability rather than lack of ability to pay.
I doubt that anyone would ever suggest that we return, in all three
phases of this system, to the original concept of simply basing qualifications
for the University on inability to provide an education for one’s self. At the same time I doubt if anyone should say
that we would stand still and make no effort to chart new paths.
Now, while it would be
extravagant and foolish to let the colleges and universities duplicate each
other’s functions (for the colleges for example to usurp the functions of the
university system), I see no reason why, when a State College does become in
fact a university, that the State College should be denied the right to take
the title of university instead of college.
Reference was made to an
area to which Glenn Dumke and I are in great agreement. The colleges are bound down by a budget
system which will give the new president no flexibility whatsoever in the use
of funds provided for the running of his school – a line-item budget in which
every dollar itemized must be spent for that item with no opportunity to change
courses in the middle of the year, or if an emergency arises, or to use the
dollars more advantageously if one can see a way to do that. While it would require legislation, I, as the
Governor, will support every effort to provide the State Colleges with a
program-type budget so that this flexibility will be there, so that those
entrusted with administering the college are able to use their judgment,
within, of course, those reasonable limits imposed by the Trustees. This is especially important when the funds
fall short and we are unable to do all that we would like to do, which I think
is all the time.
The problem of financing
this educational program grows greater, and it grows greater nationwide. A number of foundations have announced
studies into the future financing of higher education; without exception those
studies have indicated that our traditional method of financing through general
tax funds is now, or soon will be, inadequate if the quality of education is to
be maintained. In
It was in this frame of
reference that a suggestion was made to ask those receiving education to share
at least in a portion of its cost; and let me point out that any such move, I
have always insisted, must be accompanied by a plan that insures that no
qualified student should be denied an education because of his inability to pay
his share. I have asked the educational
community to join in exploring a variety of methods to implement this, ranging
from scholarships to “learn now – pay later” scheme or a combination of both or
whatever we come up with; and none of this was new with us. Instead our own Coordinating Council for
Higher Education has studied this problem and my predecessor made it known that
he held the belief that the imposition of such a sharing of the cost was
inevitable. It just happened to be my
luck that “inevitable,” like the present summer weather, came
a little early.
But aside from the
fiscal need, I would like to touch on this subject from the philosophical view
point. Cries have been raised that we
always have had free education in
To those who base their
argument on the 99-year tradition of “free education,” may I say that perhaps
we have a greater tradition, on of self-reliance, of personal strength and
integrity, and the tradition that those who can pay more, do so, to make it
possible for those less fortunate to share in our bounty. And I think it is time to switch to that
greater tradition.
Today there is great
concern among me generation that an era of permissiveness has resulted in
unrest among our young people. But just
to keep things in balance there is a wide-spread feeling among our young people
that no one over 30 understands them. I
would like to point out that understanding is a two-way street. I would like to think that for our young
people intellectual curiosity alone would prompt the students to do a little
research in that older generation. After
all there is one attractive thing we have to look at; we are the only ones in
this confrontation who have been both ages.
Now it might be
reassuring to the young to know as they start to catch up with us, that growing
old isn’t bad when you consider the alternative. You know, I have no apology to make for our
generation. Mistakes we’ve made to be
sure. We haven’t achieved all that would
like to have achieved. But still we are
a generation that has lived through three world wars and a cataclysmic depression
that shook the very foundation of our nation.
I believe basically our generation has remained true to our belief in
simple justice. We have remained
compassionate to those less fortunate.
We have stood firm in our duties to those who would come after us. At the same time, let me say, on behalf of
you’re here in this younger generation, I think all of us are frank to admit
you have more knowledge than we had at your age, are far better informed, and
you are far more aware of the winds that are swirling about and bringing
changes in this world of ours. So I
think with good will on both sides there are plenty of areas where we can get
together.
There are those who
employ academic freedom as justification for a license to go their way without
interference, and under this high-sounding term the idea has been advanced that
students and faculty should determine all educational policy without
restraint. It is an interesting note
that this is advanced as something new, as progress toward the future. In truth it is a return to something we knew
in medieval times. Back in the 11th
century the
Now the teachers have
understandably interpreted academic freedom to be their right to teach without
political interference. In a sense of
using education to promote partisan political viewpoints there can be no
quarrel with this. Contrary to some of
the charges that have been leveled in a kind of emotional atmosphere in the
last few months, I want to assure you that my administration will resist any
attempt to inject policies into our higher educational system and indeed we
will work to remove any customs that have been inherited from the past which
have allowed a political foot in the door in this partisan sense in higher
education.
But I think there is a
third element in academic freedom. In
addition to the rights of the students to learn, and the teachers to teach,
there is the right of society to insist the educational system it supports will
further the goals and the aspirations and the moral principles and precepts of
that society. There is no question that
the publicity-supported colleges and universities contributed to the emerging
greatness not only of California but also of our nation, and that is good; but
we have a right to insure that they do not, in some far-out interpretation of
“freedom,” weaken the social structure essential to the nation’s strength and
to the perpetuation of these very educational institutions.
In short, our great
educational institutions exist, not for the teacher or for the student alone,
but for all of society.
We have in California a
piece of legislation born of the people’s right to know, and I would like to
quote to you the preamble because it is so much more than just an introduction
to a piece of legislation. It says “The
people of this state do not yield their sovereignty to the agencies which serve
them. The people, in delegating
authority, do not give their public servant the right to decide what is good
for the people to know and what is not good for them to know. The people insist on remaining informed so
they may retain control over the instruments they have created.”
In contrast to the
permissiveness I have mentioned and which concerns so many of us today, I would
like to point out a statement made by the late Winston Churchill. He said “When great forces are on the move in
the world we learn we are spirits, not animals.” There is something going on in time and space
and beyond time and space which, whether we like it or not, spells duty. It is adherence to this sense of duty that has
made us of another generation provide these educational institutions. And we have a right to hope that the young
people taking advantage of them will pick up, when their time comes, that sense
of duty and perpetuate them, perpetuate them in a spirit of learning and
research and not in furthering propaganda or partisan viewpoints.
Reference was made
earlier to the television broadcast I participated in the other night. I don’t know how many of you saw it; it was
shocking, at least to one of us on that program, to hear these educated young
people from universities all over the world in their diatribes against this
country and the great outburst of anti-Americanism. My first reaction was they had been
brainwashed. Then my second reaction was
we had failed somehow to sell our image; but I think perhaps if either of those
views is true, there is another (that could be of more concern to us) – that
perhaps we ourselves in recent years have blurred our image.
We tried to buy love in
the world when we should have been earning respect. We have been so obsessed with mass movements,
we have forgotten the sanctity of the individual, and have forgotten that this
country unlike almost every country in the world was founded on the belief –
not the common man – but founded on the belief that each one of us is an
individual.
They talk common
man. Yes we are common men, common in
our determination to provide justice, a common viewpoint with regard to
compassion for our fellow men, our willingness to lend a helping hand, and a
common determination in the preservation of individual freedom, and that leads
us to the fact that actually we are uncommon people.
We, or those who came
here in our families ahead of us, had only in common a great desire for
individual freedom and the courage to go abroad in the world seeking it. When we are sick we want an uncommon doctor,
when we are at war we want uncommon generals and admirals, when we pick a
college president we want an uncommon educator and administrator for that job.
I think what I would
say, if I could to the young people present, that all we ask of you is to weigh
carefully all of the ideas that are being advanced for your consideration and
your well being. Weigh them and if at
any time they offer something that seems to spell out some kind of freedom from
disaster, some freedom or security, but in return you must give up some of your
right to choose as an individual then you make your mind up that the price is
too high. We are a compassionate
people. I believe we should keep forever
our tradition of building a floor beneath which no human being should live in
degredation [sic]. But I think that if
you are true to the heritage we are trying to pass on to you, you will insist
at all times that you have a sacred right to fly as high and as far as your own
strength and ability will take you, and that is the national purpose of this
country, and that national purpose should be upheld at all times by the
educational institutions of this country.
Again
my congratulations to and to your new president. My thanks for being here.